As the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) marks its 50th anniversary, what might have been a celebration of regional unity is instead unfolding under a cloud of uncertainty.
Once a model for African integration, ECOWAS is grappling with internal fragmentation, legitimacy crisis among members, mounting security and economic challenges that threaten the very ideals it was founded upon.
Established in 1975 with the ambitious vision of creating a borderless, economically integrated West Africa, ECOWAS was launched under the leadership of Nigeria’s then military head of state, Yakubu Gowon, and Togo’s Gnassingbé Eyadéma.
The bloc expanded to 16 members with the inclusion of Cape Verde in 1977. But 50 years on, that unity has been eroded, most notably by the exit of three member states—Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger—all of which are now ruled by military juntas.
In the space of just three years, the region has experienced six coups, leading to the formation of a rival regional alliance—the Alliance of Sahel States (AES)—by the three breakaway countries. Their departure, while framed as a matter of national sovereignty, speaks to deeper grievances about ECOWAS’ internal contradictions and its perceived democratic inconsistencies.
At a recent high-level dialogue in Abuja, hosted by the Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD) and WADEMOS, experts and political actors offered a sobering assessment of the bloc’s current condition and its path forward.
“The bloc is at a breaking point,” said Jibrin Ibrahim, a senior fellow at the CDD. “We must take a long-term view, prioritising democratic consolidation for West Africa.”
Read also: ECOWAS, AES meet to discuss finalise modalities for Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger Republic withdrawal
The withdrawals have exposed ECOWAS’ weakened capacity to enforce its own protocols, including the 2001 Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance, which prohibits unconstitutional changes in government. While military takeovers are quickly sanctioned, critics argue that civilian leaders who undermine democracy through constitutional manipulations go unpunished.
“Why are citizens embracing military juntas? Because many feel excluded by their governments and by ECOWAS itself,” said Livingstone Wechie, an international constitutional law expert. “If the bloc lacks democratic integrity, how can it enforce it among its members?”
Guy Markus Sagma, a member of the ECOWAS Parliament, echoed the criticism, painting a picture of a body suffering from both internal dysfunction and external irrelevance. “This must call us to reflect deeply,” he said.
He accused ECOWAS of operating with double standards, punishing military takeovers while tolerating constitutional coups. “Those who carry out constitutional coups go unpunished, while those behind military coups face immediate sanctions.”
He also criticised lack of transparency and operational inefficiencies within the institution itself, citing the parliament’s failure to access or debate the proposed 2025 budget. “Today, we are still in the ECOWAS of heads of state, but the people aspire to an ECOWAS of the peoples,” he said.
Sagma warned that the withdrawal of Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso has already weakened the region’s collective ability to combat terrorism, one of its most pressing security challenges.
“If we are not careful, other countries will follow,” he said. Still, he acknowledged the recent diplomatic contacts between ECOWAS and foreign ministers from the AES bloc as a positive development. “It’s a step in the right direction,” he noted.
For ECOWAS to regain credibility, Sagma argued, it must reject what he called a ‘neo-colonial posture’ and focus on generating prosperity for its citizens. He was skeptical about the newly launched Vision 2050 strategy, which aims to promote inclusive development and regional security, citing the failure of earlier initiatives such as Vision 2020.
Read also: Gowon, Akinyemi optimistic about Sahel nations’ return to ECOWAS
“A bloc that signs economic partnership agreements with the EU against its own small and medium-sized enterprises is not viable,” he said. For him, “reform is not optional—it is essential. Either ECOWAS changes and survives, or it will die in continuity.”
According to Sagma, the next 50 years will determine whether ECOWAS becomes a renewed force for integration or a relic of unfulfilled dreams.
Other voices also pointed to the rising tide of repression in the region as a warning sign.
Ene Obi, former country director of ActionAid Nigeria, said, “Coup-prone countries often exhibit high levels of repression, leaving citizens feeling powerless and without peaceful avenues to express dissent.”
Beyond politics, the economic picture offers little comfort. With a population exceeding 400 million, West Africa remains one of the world’s poorest regions. Intra-regional trade among ECOWAS states hovers around 10 percent–15 percent, far below the benchmarks required for a functional common market.
Efforts to launch a shared regional currency—the eco—have stalled for decades, undermined by divergent macroeconomic policies and political will.
“Policy harmonisation is critical. Without aligned economic and trade policies, a common market cannot function effectively,” one panelist said at the Abuja forum.
The eco, once viewed as a bold step toward economic unity, has instead become symbolic of the bloc’s institutional inertia. Sagma argued that a monetary union without a political federation is doomed to fail.
“We cannot continue with 12 different governments, each with its own employment, industrial, agricultural, and health policies, and expect a common currency to work,” he said. He emphasised that without a shared political structure, the eco will remain ‘a pipe dream.’
Nigeria, historically the bloc’s dominant power and financial backer, has also come under fire for failing to lead. “We are not meeting our obligation, not financially, not in harmonisation, not in providing direction,” Peter Owede, a financial analyst, stated.
Davids Onovo, managing director of the African Knows Initiative, was even more blunt. “There’s no political ideology. Our politicians are just there for what their stomachs can eat.”
He pointed to operational dysfunction within ECOWAS proceedings, such as disputes over parliamentary attendance thresholds, as evidence of institutional decay. “They fight over one-thirds attendance just to collect sitting allowances. That shows the unseriousness of the whole system.”
Onovo also expressed skepticism over the prospects of Vision 2050, invoking the failures of Vision 2010 and Vision 2020. “Vision 50-50 can only be realistic when seriousness is merged with determination,” he said.
He described Africa’s broader development dilemma as a paradox. “We have everything in quantity and lack everything in quantity. That’s Africa. That’s our challenge.”
As ECOWAS looks to the future, the stakes have rarely been higher. The next decade may determine whether the bloc reinvents itself as a credible force for integration—or continues its slow drift into irrelevance.
Paul Osei-Kuffour of WADEMOS, added his voice to the chorus, warning that ECOWAS must urgently redefine its mission or face disintegration.
